October 31, 2008

October 29, 2008

alec soth::sleeping by the mississippi

Via we make money not art, this collection of photographs, Alec Soth's Sleeping by the Mississippi, caught my eye:

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[images from soth's website]

More:
::Watch an interview with Alec Soth by Minnesota Public Radio
::No post related to the Mississippi is complete without a link to (a) Pruned's series "Geological Investigation of the Alluvial Valley of the Lower Mississippi River" and (b) the 1944 Fisk report by the same name to which the Pruned series refers.

October 27, 2008

big box urbanism

[this is a guestpost by stephen becker, to some degree in response to my post from a few days ago "big box flip-a-strip and darwinian retail". thanks, stephen. if you enjoy it, encourage him to get his own blog in the comments.]

It's hard for the architectural community to resist creeping schadenfreude regarding the collapse of so many big box stores, and I think that tone spills into discussions of how these behemoths may be appropriated by, and reconfigured towards, a post-suburban environment. Thus, most competitions and research projects (at least the ones with which I am familiar) deal with developing new programs for old boxes. Currently, these corridors are governed by very strict, banal, homogenous patterns of components and use. Without acting as an apologist for the often abysmal architecture and planning present in typical exurban retail developments, I think it's worth taking some time to discuss why the economic retail model found in most big box stores (as opposed to its usual architectural manifestation) doesn't have to be in contention with a positive urbanism.

This sort of investigation, which focuses on yet-to-be-built retail centers, is at least as important as investigation of out-of-work boxes. Big box retail corridors are still popular, successful, and increasing in number - especially outside of the United States. Beyond the reality of their still-primary position in much of exurban America, there is a persuasive argument for their increased inclusion in dense, urban environments as well, as was noted yesterday by Matt Yglesias:

"As far as this issue goes, I think urbanists ought to wholeheartedly embrace "big box" chain stores. When there's a problem with an urban-situated big box store, which there often is, it's because (like the Home Depot near the Rhode Island Avenue Metro station) the site has been laid out in a way that's inappropriate for an urban environment. But such inappropriate structures are hardly unique to big box retailers (the CVS at 7th and Florida has a strongly suburbanist design quality) or to national chains. What's more, these problems are often caused by misguided regulations (which of course should be fixed, but are not the fault of the big box chains) or else relate to a general lack of experience financing and constructing stores in an urban environment.

But you can make a physical structure, like DC USA in Columbia Heights, that works in an urban environment. And it would work even better if it didn't have so much shopping.

But the bottom line is that successful chains are successful because they're good at bringing to market products that people want to buy at the offered price. If you want people to live and shop in cities, you need to open the cities to the firms that are good at bringing to market products that people want to buy at the offered price."

Echoing Yglesias' argument, there is a serious need for architects to (pardon the pun) think outside of the box - though I would go further, and contend that the box is ill-suited for not only urban situations, but suburban conditions as well. Its failing is less a function of some inefficiency at exchanging goods, than it is a colossal missed opportunity to create a vibrant public space.

Koolhaas and the Harvard Project on the City published a study in Mutations arguing shopping is the last mode of public interaction:

"Shopping is arguably the last remaining form of public activity. Through a battery of increasingly predatory forms, shopping has been able to colonize - even replace - almost every aspect of urban life. Historical town centers. Suburbs, streets, and now train stations, museums, hospitals, schools, the internet, and even the military, are increasingly shaped by the mechanisms and spaces of shopping. Churches are mimicking shopping malls to attract followers. Airports have become wildly popular by converting travelers into customers. Museums are turning to shopping to survive. The traditional European city once tried to resist shopping, but is now a vehicle for American-style consumerism. "High" architects disdain the world of retailing yet use shopping configurations to design museums and universities. Ailing cities are revitalized by being planned more like malls."

The challenge, then, is to take advantage of the popularity of the big box in such a way as to minimize the manifold problems caused by big box developments, issues like water runoff, asphalt heat sinks, energy use, etc; while fostering engaging, flexible public arenas. The Flip-A-Strip competition cited by Rob in his earlier post is a good example of movement in this direction.

Another study that examines the potential for the re-imagination of the big box is 'Flatspace' (published here and here), by Lateral Architecture:

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Lateral Architecture, from their website.

Lateral Architecture analyzed 'retail corridors', the urban conditions cropping up outside urban and suburban communities which are defined by "highways and paved planes...dominated by big boxes and retail power centers, conflating an ever-evolving consumer culture with public space." From their description, "The potential for design in flatspace is less about inserting a foreign program or form and more about positing that the system can recalibrate existing elements and agitate encounters of the public without altering its capitalist dependency on efficiency and geo-economics." The existing elements (which they termed filters) they recalibrated were program, parking and landscape; three proposals for each filter were developed.

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Lateral Architecture, from Young Architects 7 (link above)

What is compelling about this project is that it investigated the logic of the systems as-is, looking at the relationship between the three filters according to how people interact with them. A litany of alternatives was then developed, each a proposition with the potential to reestablish the nature of the retail corridor and its role as commercial center and public space through a novel reconsideration of the nature of the existing elements.

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Lateral Architecture, from their website.

A second point of interest regarding this investigation is that it demonstrates an application of what might be termed as 'infrastructural thinking' - that is, considering the ways in which systems not usually thought of as infrastructure - such as x - function in an essentially infrastructural way in the urban system. Two of the three filters, parking and landscape are infrastructure, and all three were considered infrastructurally, although this is not how Lateral Architecture framed their research. All three filters are private initiatives by corporations, typically considered only insofar as they may generate profits. These infrastructural filters combine to create a larger infrastructure which produces profits for these companies, and distributes goods to consumers. Even in the current big-box condition, they have effectively created public space. The Flatspace investigation demonstrates how a re-calibration of smaller infrastructures (the filters) might serve to increase public interaction and involvement. It takes advantage of an existing trend , and develops it according to an infrastructural analysis.

Obviously, similar studies situated in an urban condition would differ in several important ways; requiring the inclusion of housing, more restricted land use, having a built-in pedestrian population, etc. But, much like Lukez's work, it also hints at how the suburban and urban evolve toward each other - helping us to imagine a situation in which these retail corridors are no longer considered in isolation, but instead are absorbed into the logic of the [sub]urban condition. Instead of the evolution from city to mall Koolhaas observes, retail and city birth a third condition. The evolution of the big box store is no longer an isolated story, but merely a piece of the continuing emergence of the 21st century city. Some student work has begun to explode these novel urbanities, such as the following project by former Princeton M.arch student Christopher Leong:

"This thesis proposes a way to combine the typologies of the mat building and the tower-in-the-park in order to generate a new urban condition that embraces the logics of the dispersed city... By sampling different conditions (housing, shopping, office, agriculture, recreation, wetlands, etc.) within the region, remapping those conditions over a half mile square site, and then layering those patterns into a new inhabitable ground it is possible to create a more cohesive system of inhabitation."

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image: Christopher Leong, Princeton University S.O.A. Masters Thesis spring 2006

If anything, more questions are raised by these kinds of projects than are answered: How do they come to be? Can zoning ever effect a development such as this, or must it be engendered by mega-developers? Does it need to be built all at once, creating island community systems linked together by larger, city-wide infrastructure, or does it spread like mold, internalizing existing infrastructures, to become a city itself? Does the home loan crisis present Wal-mart with a golden opportunity to buy up vast quantities of housing and suburban acreage, extending its monopoly beyond the things we bring into our homes, toward our homes and streets and cities as well?

October 25, 2008

the sea and cake::crossing line


The Sea and Cake::Crossing Line

New Sea and Cake album is out/nearly out (depending on your source); download the title track, "Car Alarm", here.

October 23, 2008

big box flip-a-strip and darwinian retail

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[the former site of RPM Indoor Racing in Round Rock, Texas via Google Maps]

A couple nights ago All Things Considered had a feature on the recent work of Julia Christensen, who has been studying the re-use of big box stores for several years now, a project that has recently culminated the publishing of the book Big Box Reuse. The variety of uses she encounters is astounding:

"In Austin, Minn., Christensen went to a big box that had been renovated into a museum devoted to Spam, the canned meat. In Fayetteville, N.C., she went to a flea market that had once been a Kmart. And in Round Rock, Texas, a group of young entrepreneurs turned an abandoned Wal-Mart into an indoor racecar track. Christensen cites the racecar track for its imaginative use of such a large space -- but they couldn't keep up with the overhead costs and had to close down.

Christensen says cities have a huge incentive to find other uses for these buildings.

"Roads are widened. Stoplights put in. Entire bypasses might be created," she says. "So all of this invested infrastructure remains after the retailer leaves the building behind."

Which can make these sites good for repurposing. Take Lebanon, Mo. When a Kmart there went bankrupt, its building was left vacant for three years, and the area became depressed. So the community raised money to turn it into a new and bigger county library.

Cathy Dame, the library's director, says it took awhile for some people to adjust.

"Sometimes, honestly, it was easier to say, 'Remember where the shoe section was? That's our children's room," Dame says.

Since the structure was too big for just the library, they broke it up and now share it with a Route 66 museum and a cafe, among other things. And Dame says they are getting a lot of traffic, partly because it's easy to park."

Designers, naturally, have other ideas about what form reuse should take. One such vision is the work of Paul Lukez, in the Suburban Transformations projects:

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[E-Mall Transformation, Paul Lukez Architecture]

Lukez collects several such projects in the book version of Suburban Transformations, which I recommend. In it, he lays out not merely an aesthetic vision, but a working methodology for implementing an incremental urbanism in suburbia, which happens to be one of my pet projects (hence the recommendation). Much of what Lukez suggests -- overlaying various site conditions to reveal synchronicities and disjuncts, for instance -- will seem like old news to landscape architects schooled in McHargian methodologies, but putting such methodologies to the service of an incremental urbanism seems new and useful to me (and even if it weren't new, it would still be useful).

Lukez more or less acknowledges this, suggesting that the value of his project is not that it is completely new and revolutionary, but that it presents a distillation of the most useful components of Smart Growth, environmental planning, and New Urbanism, while accepting (rather than ignoring or attempting to bypass) the elements of time and change. In the interests of not using up too much space on the screen here, I've only shown two snapshots in from the complex timeline of potential transformation Lukez sketches; an animation can be seen here which gives a much fuller impression of the importance of incrementality to Lukez's vision.

Another set of visions was recently collected in the "Flip-a-strip" competition (via Landscape+Urbanism). Susan Krane, former director of the Scottsdale Museum of Contemporary Art (which sponsered the competition), describes the competition's origins and aims:

"And so, when we at the Scottsdale Museum of Contemporary Art began to discuss the idea of initiating an architectural competition that might be national in scope and application yet have core local significance, it seemed most fitting to address a building type that impacts our public sense of place. Strip malls, ever in our peripheral vision, immediately came to mind. The choice purposefully ran contrary to Arizona's predominant recent reputation for high-style residential architecture. What could be farther toward the other end of the spectrum from luxurious mega-houses on desert hillsides than the strip mall in the flats? The everyday, work-a-day strip mall seemed so wanting of smart architectural attention, ripe and useful for reconsideration--in this community and in so many others across the country. This competition thus intended dually to take SMoCA's architectural exhibitions to the next stage and to highlight the keen social awareness and the broad capacity of a new generation of architects working here and in other regional centers of design excellence.

...

Working with an amazing community advisory committee of architects, planners, developers and urban entrepreneurs, we decided that Flip a Strip should address small, one-to-three-acre, mid-block strip plazas--the most abundant and most vulnerable parcels that lack the anchor tenants of larger sites and missed out on the attention-grabbing positioning of intersections. Most of these strip malls date from the 1960s and 1970s and still yield reliable cash flow for the landowners, regardless of vacancies or disrepair. They provide affordable spaces for small businesses and often service vibrant new-immigrant communities. One can easily find malls around town with exclusively Korean or Spanish signage. In addition, several strips of this scale here have been given facelifts on shoestring budgets by adventurous small-time entrepreneurs: they quickly have been adopted as hip gathering spots for those drawn to impressive, locally owned concerns such as an alternative record store, a homey coffee-shop hangout or an artisanal patisserie. Such grassroots, lifestyle-oriented enterprises demonstrate the potential across the Phoenix area, which has precious few "third spaces" and little street life. What more, Flip a Strip asks, could be possible with good architecture in the mix? How might discrete efforts at such "suburban villages" be knit together to alter not just one parcel of land but the look and feel of cities' prime corridors?"

The winning entry, Urban Battery, was designed by MOS:

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[MOS::Urban Battery; competition images via bustler]

MOS describe their entry, which transforms by layering program upon program:

"In terms of zoning, Urban Battery is a physical structure similar to a power station, vertical greenhouse, and a billboard, all rolled into one. It doesn't fit into the zoning chart. We believe that Scottsdale zoning is open enough to accommodate the programmatic innovation, even though this proposal is beyond the original intention of the competition. Urban Battery acts as an energy producer, filtering air, housing oxygen regenerating plants, providing bike paths, public gardens within the structure, and stores bioproducts. It also includes an additional building for community events that is attached at the base of the structure. This additional program could be for either teens or seniors dedicated to expanding activities from the neighborhood and accessible through a new bike and walking path, converting the alley into part of an urban infrastructure."

Other projects explore more commonly offered (but also potentially transformative) possibilites such as rooftop agriculture and the provision of community market space.

There is a wide distance, though, between the exuberant renderings of projects proposed by these architects and the actual reuse projects that Christensen explores in Big Box Reuse, such as this elementary school in Laramie, WY:

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[source: Big Box Reuse]

or this future church in Pinellas Park, FL:

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[source: Big Box Reuse]

Even the cheery constructions, such as the Spam museum, a Wal-Mart which has received a facade-lift, are quite banal:

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[source: Big Box Reuse]

Perhaps these banal re-purposings will inevitably outnumber more creative and vibrant transformations; or perhaps it will simply take time and distance for better reuses to win out -- like this "70's slum block building" recently repurposed by Jonathan Segal Architect, in San Diego (via Archidose):

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[source: Jonathan Segal Architect, via Archidose]

These discussions take on a new urgency now, as retailers are experiencing the pain of the current credit crash -- Linens 'n' Things, I hear, has already gone bankrupt, unable to find buyers for the vast majority of its properties, while Circuit City is shuttering a fifth of its stores. The future we and our exit towns face seems grim, with doors shuttered, parking lots cracked by stray grasses and Ailanthus altissima, windows blackened. All of this has assumed that this is bad (and obviously, in many ways, it is). But what if it is also necessary? What if this is how the exurban experiment dies? Or perhaps both scenarios are valid; perhaps the best structures will find reuse, whether beautiful like Lukez's proposals or merely utilitarian, like the elementary school in Wyoming, while those structures which never should have been built will wither, cast-off tributaries of a river of credit that no longer exists.

More:
::I discussed an Atlantic Monthly article about the abandonment of suburbia in the post "mommy, there's a crack house in our cul-de-sac".
::Another interesting item on All Things Considered which I discussed a couple months ago, involving a legal battle between billboards and trees.
::Visit bigboxreuse for a tour of various reused stores as well as a wiki for submitting and georeferencing new reuse projects.
::Julia Christensen also appears on NPR's On Point, discussing big box reuse. Various callers and other experts weigh in as well.
::MOS have posted a video of a prototype of the system for Urban Battery. I haven't watched it yet, but I'm sure its interesting.

October 22, 2008

crooked fingers::new drink for the old drunk


Crooked Fingers, New Drink for the Old Drunk

Crawdaddy has an interview with Eric Bachmann (Crooked Fingers=Eric Bachmann plus others) up; its fairly interesting (among other things, we learn that Bachmann recently tried running a Cuban sandwich cart -- instead of touring -- but it didn't work out for him). I don't know too much about Bachmann (other than what you learn from listening to his songs, which I have more less all of in one format or another), but I do know that he's the only person I've seen pull off smoking, drinking, playing guitar, and singing all at the same time. Newest Crooked Fingers album, Forfeit/Fortune, is out, but I haven't got it yet so I can't tell you much about it.

[Formatting note: entries in the various recurring features will no longer be named after the series, but by the content. Tags are now being added to all the serial entries; these are currently visible through the rss feeds, but will also be added to the entries and in a sidebar when I get the chance.]

October 21, 2008

michael van valkenburgh associates::passage to the lake

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::Michael Van Valkenburgh Associates, Passage to the Lake (Stoneham, ME)

I don't really care for making decisions about who is the 'best' landscape architect, but I will say that the details produced by Van Valkenburgh's office are consistent and fine. This slab of concrete is a small, simple gesture, but it allows an intermittent stream to pass undisturbed under the path, maintaining the site's existing hydrological regimen.

More:
::Photos and project description at ASLA award site

October 20, 2008

security theater

Jeffery Goldberg recounts his efforts to test the utility of the TSA's security regime:

Suspicious that the measures put in place after the attacks of September 11 to prevent further such attacks are almost entirely for show--security theater is the term of art--I have for some time now been testing, in modest ways, their effectiveness.

...at LaGuardia, in New York, the transportation-security officer in charge of my secondary screening emptied my carry-on bag of nearly everything it contained, including a yellow, three-foot-by-four-foot Hezbollah flag, purchased at a Hezbollah gift shop in south Lebanon. The flag features, as its charming main image, an upraised fist clutching an AK-47 automatic rifle. Atop the rifle is a line of Arabic writing that reads Then surely the party of God are they who will be triumphant. The officer took the flag and spread it out on the inspection table. She finished her inspection, gave me back my flag, and told me I could go. I said, "That's a Hezbollah flag." She said, "Uh-huh." Not "Uh-huh, I've been trained to recognize the symbols of anti-American terror groups, but after careful inspection of your physical person, your behavior, and your last name, I've come to the conclusion that you are not a Bekaa Valley-trained threat to the United States commercial aviation system," but "Uh-huh, I'm going on break, why are you talking to me?"

The conclusion - that almost all the security measures in place in American airports are a form of performance theater, aimed nearly exclusively at reassuring a nervous public -- is neither terribly surprising nor particularly comforting.

where relaunch

New design and relaunch at Where, which is becoming a group blog (add that to the list of excellent new group blogs launching recently -- its time for another bloglinks update, I think), featuring eleven writers from various cities around the globe. Also stoked that Athens is representing. Always good to see small cities involved in a larger discussion about urbanism.

October 17, 2008

just like honey

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[ebisu, neighborhood in tokyo where "dancing trees, singing birds" is located -- if my googling skills haven't failed me]

Two projects in Tokyo (via Tokyo architecture blog what we do is secret) demonstrate contrasting approaches to the utilization of limited urban space, but both show how that limitation can become a strength.

The first is an outdoor shopping mall, Sarugaku, in the Daikanyama district, which accomodates six buildings and ten retailers on less than six thousand square feet; architect Akihisa Hirata does so by means of compression, allowing shops to sit atop one another and relying on shoppers and storefronts to fill an otherwise unadorned public space:

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[images via Akihisa Hirata Architecture Office]

Balconies and projected walkways are accomodated by tapering the second floor of the buildings, drawing the public realm up from the street level into the air as well. I also appreciate the scale of the project, as well -- incremental additions are to be preferred to massive urban planning schemes, as a general rule, I think. Their spatial constraints frequently enable the architect to make bold gestures without being overbearing.

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[dancing trees, singing birds; images via Metropolis]

The second is an apartment complex by Hiroshi Nakamura, of quite similar size (8290 square feet). The approach, though, is nearly entirely different -- rather than a clean, spare urban space activated by the buzz of shoppers and lit storefronts, the project -- which has the charming title "dancing trees, singing birds" -- is filled by mature trees and clinging vegetation, creating a space that seems worthy of the tag "magical urbanism". If it seems improbably that such a new project could have such wonderfully overgrown plantlife, that is because it is. Nakamura explains the unique approach his firm took to tree preservation:

"The site is located in the very central district of Tokyo surrounded by trees over 20m high. We felt that such greenery was a precious asset to a crowded city like Tokyo, and wanted to preserve this forest; to build with it rather than to build on it. We began the process by measuring the shape and the location of each and every tree with a laser pointer and created a three dimensional computer model from the collected information. Then we consulted a tree doctor and discussed how we could build without damaging the roots. The 'huts' were constructed according to the location of the branches, leaving enough room for the trees to sway in the case of tropical rainstorm. Towards the top of the building, we located small birdhouses echoing the shapes of the 'huts'."

While on the one hand this sort of delicate construction process is, at least for the time being, a luxury for the wealthy, it seems to me that it is the sort of luxury that might be worth paying for -- an architecture of conservation, rather than an architecture of consumption.

More:
Metropolis article on dancing trees, singing birds
I've written before on the virtue of compressed space in Tokyo (though that post dealt with compressed space in the context of a single family home).

October 16, 2008

the ball is round; the game is ninety minutes

Zlatan Ibrahamovic


atlantic monthly redesign

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[image via pentagram, architects of the redesign]

By way of City of Sound, a behind the scenes look at the thinking and work that went into the redesign of the Atlantic Monthly (the Atlantic blogs have also benefited from this redesign, and are now not just highly readable but also gorgeous). Excerpt:

"Each direction that was considered implied a possible position for the magazine. The designers explored approaches that reinforced the magazine's literary traditions on one hand, and others that promoted its contemporary relevance on the other. In the end, the redesign team came back to a nameplate that was an adaptation of a design that had appeared on the magazine for more than 35 years in the mid 20th century. (An issue from that era made an appearance as a prop on "Mad Men.") The designers weren't tempted by its nostalgic characteristics; rather, they were struck by how it managed to look both contemporary and timeless. Based on the 18th century typeface Bodoni, it featured an italic A that was distinctive and perfectly captured the idiosyncratic character of the magazine.

With the nameplate nodding to the magazine's heritage, the designers were free to try out some very contemporary approaches to the cover. The Atlantic demands a careful balance between intellectual engagement and entertainment, and the challenge with the cover was to navigate a course between the look of an academic journal and a newsweekly. The two fonts that were settled on for the cover provided the necessary mix of ingredients: Mercury, an elegant serif typeface, and Titling Gothic, a bold sans serif. A vertical information band aligned with The Atlantic's distinctive A on the left of the cover provides a place to highlight important writers and stories for the benefit of subscribers and newsstand browsers. It also eliminates the wasteful cover flaps currently endemic to newsstands. The magazine is now perfect bound for the first time in its history."

As a side note, I think we can all be grateful that neither of these potential covers were chosen.

the chinese dream

At we make money not art, a review of The Chinese Dream, which puts this near the top of the urbanism reading list. The review is glowing, but it is more the pictures than the content of the review that make me eager to read the book:

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The authors' self-description is certainly intriguing as well, promising a focus on "the enormous wave of anonymous buildings" and an "encyclopedic", "holistic" approach:

"China is in the midst of breakneck transformation. The last 30 years of astonishing economic growth and political and cultural reform have been driven by the world's biggest ever urban boom. The new China is now halfway built: within the next 30 years the world's most populous nation will most likely take centre-stage as a global superpower, with hundreds of millions of new urbanites flooding into the rapidly swelling cities. But this process -- presenting no less than the construction of a new society -- is taking place almost without time to think. The present is so all-consuming that fast realities threaten to eclipse the slow dream of tomorrow.

Taking as its starting point the goal announced in China in 2001 to build 400 new cities of 1 million inhabitants each by 2020, or 20 new cities a year for 20 years, the book explores the hopes and hazards of dreaming on such a scale. The question being asked is in fact no less than how to build a new utopia. But is China mortgaging its present for a promised future, and doing so at the same time that current speeds of construction eclipse any real forward planning?

The Chinese Dream is a visual tour de force, both encyclopaedic in scope and holistic in approach. Cutting across all levels of scale -- from individual to nation -- and backed by a truly multi-disciplinary team (encompassing architecture & urban planning, politics, economics, arts & culture, environmental concerns, and sociology) the book synthesizes a vast body of research to tackle the big questions of today, and to unpack the paradoxes at the heart of China's struggle for change.

Assembled over a four year continuous presence in China, the book lays aside over-exposed starchitect projects, and looks instead at the enormous wave of anonymous buildings currently reshaping the landscape and fabric of China itself. Bold texts, self-critical design proposals, exploratory photoessays, a unique glossary, and an innovative survey of China's young middle class, reveal China in all its astonishing diversity: from the glitziest megamalls to the gloomiest slums, and from the rural fringe to the mushrooming village. Featuring thousands of photographs, drawings and computer graphics, this is space as you have never seen it before: brash, outlandish, and very Chinese."

Visit BURB.tv, a collaborative research extension of the book project, for more (much more); the blocky, semi-minimalist, text-driven nature of the website reminds me (in a good way) of the now-expired muxtape (well, technically, muxtape is planning on a relaunch, at some point).

October 15, 2008

invisible cities

Great post last week on BLDGBLOG on the contemporary city:

"But cities today are well known for popping up in the middle of nowhere, history-less and incomprehensible. There are slums, refugee camps, army bases--and Dubai. That's what cities now do. If these cities are here today, they weren't five years ago; if they're not here now, they will be soon. Today's cities are made up, viral, fungal, unexpected...

Except, as Mike Davis memorably points out in his recent book Planet of Slums, the "cities of the future, rather than being made out of glass and steel as envisioned by earlier generations of urbanists, are instead largely constructed out of crude brick, straw, recycled plastic, cement blocks, and scrap wood. Instead of cities of light soaring toward heaven, much of the twenty-first-century urban world squats in squalor, surrounded by pollution, excrement, and decay." This is "pirate urbanization," he writes, and it consists of "anarchic" anti-cities on the fringes of "cyber-modernity." We might be making up new cities everywhere around the world today, but very few of them look like Norman Foster's eco-metropolis of Masdar, that well-rendered city constructed from nothing but petrodollars atop the sands of Abu Dhabi. Davis writes, or example, that, in "an archipelago of 10 slums" outside Bangalore, India, "researchers found only 19 latrines for 102,000 residents." There is thus what Davis calls an 'excremental surplus' to these rapidly expanding environments--yet these are the landscapes to which we refer when we say that humans have become an urban species.

These are not cities in any recognised infrastructural or legislative sense; they are, rather, dense collections of buildings. In contrast to Dubai's Atari-like desert failure, with its arid combination of over-thought business plans and an absolute lack of content, these super-slums compress far too much content into a radically unplanned space."

A lot comes before that, and a lot comes after; the connections between informal slum cities, boomburbs, and the air-conditioned glass empires of the modern Middle East are explicated; read it.

corridors of the unbuilt imagination

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ICI Trade Pavilion (unbuilt)::Macdonald+Salter

These fantastic drawings come via (once again) Lebbeus Woods, accompanied by Lebbeus' ruminations on the decline of handdrawing as an imaginative practice within architecture:

"Once upon a time, before computers came to be the pre-eminent architectural design tool, architects made drawings by hand. Instead of leaving it up to the computer's software to make and assemble the lines defining contours and edges of forms, architects would draw line by line, gradually building up the drawing. Somewhere in the backs of their minds, perhaps, the Italian term disegno, which means both 'drawing' and 'design,' worked to convince them that the two concepts were synonymous: to draw was to design, and to design was to draw. In the same way, the ideas of 'analysis' and 'synthesis' came together in the act, and the artifact, of drawing. To build up a drawing line by line is an analytical act---one chooses exactly where to place the line, based on an understanding of the problem or conditions to be addressed, and, at the same time, of the need for the sum of lines to create a greater whole, a coherent, cohering and integrated form...."

I wonder, though, if the decline of handdrawing is less problematic for landscape architecture than architecture. While I would not argue that handdrawing is an unimportant skill for the landscape architect, I think perhaps the total privileging of handdrawing can be more problematic for landscape architects than architects, because the stuff of landscape architecture is more resistant to reduction to the two-dimensional than the stuff of architecture (at least, architecture narrowly construed). While the plan and section are useful tools to the landscape architect, and vital tools for the architect, the landscape architect must deal with subtlies of topography (third dimension) and, more importantly, time, process, and flow (fourth dimensions), which are not easily captured in traditional plan and section (though I will admit that plan and section used cleverly become powerful tools for organizing and interpreting three dimensional reality in two dimensional space).

This is unfair to architecture; probably the dimension of time is just as important for the architect as the landscape architect; criticizing architecture is not my aim, here; what I am certain of, though, is that the section and plan, while necessary for landscape architects, are not sufficient to represent the full subject matter of landscape architecture. What the full subject matter of landscape architecture is, I will leave unnamed for the moment. The tendency to reduce landscape architecture to a branch of or identical twin to architecture, however, I think is often unnecessarily reductive (though certainly representative of landscape architecture as it is most often practiced, and probably proceeds often from an understandable jealousy for the status and fame accorded to architecture). This reduction, though, often involves an reductive view of architecture as well (formalism is probably a good short-hand for this, and modernism might be as well, though I would add that I think much of what passes for postmodernism in architectural theory is really hyper-modernism, a statement which can only be defended through a much longer discourse on the genealogy of modernism and postmodernism than I intend to attempt here). If one takes a more expansive view of what architecture is (see BLDGBLOG, Life Without Buildings, etc.) -- and I think we all should -- then this is not nearly so problematic (and hence I often use the contraction landscape/architecture to refer to a much more broadly construed set of overlapping endeavours).

I think I will have something more to say on the usefulness of handdrawing once I have finished something I am reading. I also have something more coherent to say on the relationship of between modernism, postmodernism, and landscape/architecture, but it will probably be a bit before I am happy enough with those thoughts to share them. (And once I have shared them, I doubt they will be finalized even then.)

October 14, 2008

youtube jukebox


Pavement, Grounded (Live)

This is off the best Pavement album (that is an objective judgment), Wowee Zowee, which I lost four or five years ago and just picked up again over the weekend. Malkmus and Spiral Stairs are killing it.

architectural detail

Detailing is not my favorite thing, and there is nothing revolutionary about this detail, but it is quite nice:

machado-silvetti-2.jpg

machado-silvetti.jpg
Boston Public Library in Allston, MA::Machado and Silvetti Associates

Perhaps I will add random details to the set of recurring things here (which currently includes only youtube music videos, though there have been various other recurring things over the lifespan of eatingbark, including thursday travesty or triumph, current event cowardly or courageous, and of course the advice columns of blood brother ted -- I think I can safely guarantee that this is the only landscape/architecture/urbanism blog to feature an advice column written (without his knowledge, but using excerpted passages from his website) by Ted Nugent).

October 10, 2008

youtube jukebox


Mogwai, The Sun Smells Too Loud (unofficial video)

from the new album, The Hawk is Howling, which is streaming in its entirety at their myspace.

October 8, 2008

the minor landscape of glouster, oh

electoral-map.jpg
cartogram of county-by-county 2004 presidential election results, by Gastner, Shalizi, and Newman (U-Michigan)

BLDGBLOG posted yesterday on what he termed "the geography of american political campaigns" (see above for said geography), which turns out to be a fascinating topic:

I read that President Bush had stopped off this morning to speak about the credit crisis "with consumers and business people at Olmos Pharmacy, an old-fashioned soda shop and lunch counter" in San Antonio, Texas. The idea here - the spatial implication - is that Bush has somehow stopped off in a landscape of down-home American democracy. This is everyday life, we're meant to believe - a geographic stand-in for the true heart and center of the United States. But it increasingly feels to me that presidential politics now deliberately take place in a landscape that the modern world has left behind. It's a landscape of nostalgia, the golden age in landscape form: Joe Biden visits Pam's Pancakes outside Pittsburgh, Bush visits a soda shop, Sarah Palin watches ice hockey in a town that doesn't have cell phone coverage, Obama goes to a tractor pull. It's as if presidential campaigns and their pursuing tagcloud of media pundits are actually a kind of landscape detection society - a rival Center for Land Use Interpretation - seeking out obsolete spatial versions of the United States, outdated geographies most of us no longer live within or encounter. They find small towns that, by definition, are under-populated and thus unrepresentative of the United States as a whole; they find "old-fashioned" restaurants that seem on the verge of closing for lack of interested customers; they tour "Main Streets" that lost their inhabitants and their businesses long ago. All along they pretend that these landscapes are politically relevant.

What is fascinating here is the notion that political culture is responsible for or complicit in constructing an imaginary landscape -- "landscapes of nostalgia" -- which then become the terrain on which the political campaign is acted out. The question implied here though, by the two possiblities of responsiblity and complicity, is interesting. Surely this insight isn't one that has eluded the politicians -- surely they are aware that they are playing a game, campaigning in an imagined terrain. So there are two possibilites: either voters are being willfully deceived about the nature of modern america or they are willfully complicit in sustaining an illusion - because they WANT to participate in that illusion, or because something about that illusion is attractive to them. I think it's more of the latter than the former -- the comments on BLDGBLOG get a bit into why this might be so (references to the Jeffersonian ideal, etc.) and I might add that there could be very positive goods -- real goods -- contained within the construction, which people may rightly desire (a sense of community and place, an imagined social equilibrium, etc.).

BLDGBLOG finishes the post by arguing that, if the landscape history of a candidate is understood to be an essential part of a candidacy, but the nostalgic landscape is illusory, then perhaps what contemporary America needs are urban candidates (urban being understood not along the exurban-suburban-urban scale but in the juxtaposition between urban and rural, where exurban and suburban are part of urban because they are within the system of networks that compose urban areas).

I don't disagree with this conclusion (in fact, I think I endorse it), but I think that, without denying the fact that the urban, suburban, and exurban landscapes are all more 'representative' of demographic reality, we can also acknowledge that the people living in rural America (and the crumbling smaller cities embedded in rural America) have a real and valid complaint when they worry that they are being forgotten and left behind. (This can be acknowledged, I think, without making a judgment about whether that leaving behind can and should be fought, and, if so, how) I made a similar argument in my thesis project in explaining why I thought the study of small cities in Virginia -- Lynchburg, Staunton, Waynesboro, Winchester -- contributed to the understanding of a facet of urbanism that is rarely studied. Without getting into that argument (in part because I think it is self-evident), I will skip to my conclusion, which is that understanding these forgotten places is key to knowing what to do with, for, and about them.

glouster-oh.jpg
Glouster, OH (Google Maps)

To that end (achieving understanding), I point out this superb piece of reporting by George Packer in the New Yorker, which focuses on southeastern Ohio. Excerpt:

"Glouster, a coal-mining town with a population of fewer than two thousand (and falling), lies hidden amid the gentle slopes and thick woods of southeastern Ohio's Appalachian hills. If the state is dying, Glouster was long ago left for dead. Over the past few decades, it has lost its Baptist church, grocery store, railroad depot, parking meters, four car dealerships, ten of its dozen bars, and--crucially--all but one of its deep mines. It's become the kind of town where several generations of white families live on welfare, and marijuana is the local cash crop. I was given a tour by Bob Cotter, who is seventy-four, and Pete Morris, seventy-one, both retired from the post office. We walked in a warm drizzle along Main Street, which was nearly deserted, with a few parked cars and no pedestrians. Half the storefronts were shuttered, although a local citizens' group had arranged hand-painted furniture and traditional quilts in the show windows of some of the vacant stores. It looked as if nothing had been built since the fifties. In the middle of town stood a prominent three-story brick building with the words "Sam & Ellen's Wonder Bar--Home of the 'Wonder Dog' " painted across an exposed side. Morris had once owned the bar before selling it to his cousin, in 1971; now it was boarded up. Farther down the street, a hotel, a restaurant, and a two-lane bowling alley had been demolished, leaving a weed-strewn lot.

...

Dave Herbert was a stocky, talkative building contractor in an Ohio State athletic jersey. At thirty-eight, he considerably lowered the average age in Bonnie's. "I'm self-employed," he said. "I can't afford to be a Democrat." Herbert was a devoted viewer of Fox News and talked in fluent sound bites about McCain's post-Convention "bounce" and Sarah Palin's "executive experience." At one point, he had doubted that Obama stood a chance in Glouster. "From Bob and Pete's generation there are a lot of racists--not out-and-out, but I thought there was so much racism here that Obama'd never win." Then he heard a man who freely used the " 'n' word" declare his support for Obama: "That blew my theory out of the water."

Extra credit here, as Ross Douthat talks about Packer's article and his/Reihan Salam's book Grand New Party, giving some suggestions about what to do with places like Glouster.

October 7, 2008

a more careful american dream or a new american dream?

Two (very different) academics/architects have recently offered two (very different) commentaries on how the American understanding of home ownership might be altered (at least partially, I think, in response to the realization that the current realization of the ideal state of home ownership has proved somewhat problematic, as underlined by the current financial crisis, which (at least in my limited understanding) is driven by problems in the mortgage market).

First up is Witold Rybcyznski, who argues that the problem is not with the notion that home ownership is the ideal state of affairs for most American families, but with the implementation of that notion -- housing must be made more affordable. Rybcyznski notes that the term 'affordable housing' has only recently been understood to denote government-subsidized housing and traces the term back to Levittown:

"A pioneer of affordability was the builder Levitt and Sons, whose famous "Levittowns" were the first postwar examples of large, ­master-­planned communities. The story is ­well ­known. After World War II, as GIs came home and the peacetime economy gathered steam, the demand for housing grew dramatically. Levitt, an established Long Island builder, set its sights on this new market. William Levitt, the eldest son, applied his wartime experience building barracks with the Navy Seabees to traditional ­wood-­frame construction. He organized the building site like an assembly line. Teams of workers performed repetitive tasks, one team laying floor slabs, another erecting framing, another applying siding, and so on. No one had ever built housing that way ­before."

Witold then notes that the Levittown houses were considerably more affordable than contemporary homes:

"In 1951, the price of the original Levittowner ($9,900) was three times the national average annual wage ($3,300). In 2008, with an estimated national average wage of $40,500, a similarly affordable house should have a sticker price of $121,500. Yet according to the Census Bureau, even in the current declining market the median price for a new ­single-­family house in the first quarter of 2008 approached twice that: $234,100. So, the price of a modern Levittowner would have to be nearly 50 percent cheaper than that of today's average new house. Easy, you say, just make the house 50 percent smaller, about 1,200 instead of 2,469 square feet. But it's not that simple. In most metropolitan areas, the selling price of such a house would still be more than $200,000, considerably more than $121,500."

And finishes by explaining why that might be so:

"It is a vicious circle. Smaller houses on smaller lots are the logical solution to the problem of affordability, yet ­density--­and less affluent ­neighbors--­are precisely what most communities fear most. In the name of fighting sprawl, local zoning boards enact regulations that either require larger lots or restrict development, or both. These strategies decrease the ­supply--­hence, increase the ­cost--­of developable land. Since builders pass the cost of lots on to buyers, they justify the higher land prices by building larger and more expensive houses--McMansions. This produces more community resistance, and calls for yet more restrictive regulations. In the process, housing affordability becomes an even more distant ­chimera."

Lebbeus Woods, on the other hand, offers a more fundamental critique of the housing market, which might be paraphrased as arguing that the notion of homeownership has been replaced by houseownership, if a home is seen as a more expansive and permanent good and a house as a commodity to be traded frequently for the accumulation of wealth:

"The idea of owning your home has the sound of securing it, of making it a safe haven for you and your family. It is yours and, as long as you make the payments, and pay your taxes, and stay out of too much debt, will remain yours, and your children's (if you have any) in perpetuity. Also, no one can violate your home, or the land it sits on (if it has any), by entering without your permission--a sanctity the law says you can enforce with a gun, if necessary. Another part of this American vision is that home owners are the most responsible citizens of their communities, for the practical reason that they have the most invested in them, not just in terms of money, but also of moral capital--they play by the rules of their communities, which is the basis for their being granted, and sustaining, ownership of a part of them. Or, that's the way it used to be.

Increasingly, Americans buy their homes and condominiums as a financial investment. Far from seeing their homes as places to be handed down to their children, or, for that matter, to live out their lives in, they are viewed as instruments for getting a return on their money, primarily through selling them at a higher price than they paid. Whether they are living in Denver suburbs or Lower Manhattan, homeowners have an eye on the real estate market. If they can sell at a high price, they can afford to move upward, to a better and more expensive home. Leaving aside the issue of those who cannot keep up in this game (and there are many), and lose their homes (becoming effectively 'homeless'), or who have to move because their jobs are lost, or they get transferred and have to sell at any price, it is clear that the character of the American Dream of home ownership has changed radically."

This argument is the sort of broad critique that is difficult to disprove because of its generality (though someone might be able to effectively quibble with the history of home that Woods presents), but I think it is, like most of Woods' writing, at the very least useful for prompting the reconsideration of assumptions.

October 6, 2008

October 2, 2008

mongolia

As my sister is currently living in Mongolia, I found this travelogue on Slate a week or so ago to be particularly interesting, but I think it is probably of interest to people without relatives living in Mongolia, as well. Its a five part series, so start at the beginning, but I think the highlight is probably the fourth part, on Mongolian food. Probably my most outlandish menu selection in a while was the grasshopper taco at Oyamel here in DC, which people tend to think was a fairly adventurous choice, but I think it pales in comparison:

"On our very last morning on the road, the mutton problem became a crisis. At fault was our dear driver, Bimba, who decided it was time to celebrate the trip by buying a whole sheep and slaughtering it. As we went into a local ger to eat breakfast, I noticed that the sheep's head had been removed, and the internal organs were being poured into a giant pot, the same way you might empty a can of beans.

Surely this was to feed the dogs, I thought. No one really wants to eat the lungs, stomach, and intestines of an aged sheep.

Au contraire. I'm sorry to say that we had to watch the whole mess boiling for a while on the dung fire, yielding bubbles of brownish-gray scum. Afterward, a giant steaming bowl of internal organs was placed before us with some ceremony. Out came knives and a mixture of anatomy lesson and breakfast as we sampled one organ after another. I must stress the degree to which our dear friend Bimba considered this the way to cement our friendship. There was no backing away from trying each and every organ and making a good go of the whole thing. Even fearless Miki looked a little pale.

Comparatively speaking, I suppose the stomach and heart were the highlights. Despite our host's enthusiasm, I felt there was something deeply fishy about the lungs--they had a spongy texture that you had to bite hard to get through. There were many organs that I didn't really recognize but also did not enjoy. And as for the intestines and connecting flesh covered with fat, I felt, for the first time, what 19th-century writers refer to as "rising bile." I said to myself, "This is like a horror film, except I am eating the special effects."

All the while, the sheep's severed head sat off to one side, watching us sadly. Next to him sat his forearms and legs, placed in a small pile. But fear not. We did pack that head into our jeep, and back in the capital, we ate him for lunch. "Omoshirokatta," said Miki. "That was interesting!"